Here is what it actually said, and what you can do about it today.
So we are one room away. This page is how you push on that door.
How one phone call pushes on that door:
Call the office near you, not Washington. It picks up faster and the call counts the same.
District offices keep a count of every call, by topic, and the representative sees it. Nobody argues with you. A staffer makes a tick mark.
Former Hill staff say a few dozen calls on one bill in a week gets noticed, because most bills get none. That is their experience, not a study, so treat it as a rule of thumb.
Calls are not the strongest thing on this page. A meeting is. But calls are the fastest, and they are what an office reads first when a bill suddenly gets loud.
The lookup happens on your own phone. Your zip is not stored, and this page never asks for money. Outside the US?
Honest answer: one email gets ignored. Calls get counted. A district office keeps a tally by issue and the representative sees it. Fifty calls on one bill in a week is a lot. That is why the script is 20 seconds: staff do not want a conversation, they want a tick mark.
Who actually decides: the Speaker of the House, Mike Johnson, with Majority Leader Steve Scalise running the schedule. Nobody in the House has voted against this bill. Nobody has scheduled it. A bill just like it, the Take It Down Act, got its afternoon in April 2025 and passed 409 to 2 once someone with a loud voice asked. Your call is how the asking gets loud.
Three things move a representative more than any amount of email, and this page is built around them:
The case is United States v. Anderegg. A man in Wisconsin used an AI program to make thousands of realistic sexual images of children, sent some to a 15-year-old, and kept the rest. He was charged with making them, sharing them, sending them to a minor, and keeping them.
The court threw out only the last charge, keeping them. Why: two old Supreme Court rulings say the government cannot punish what an adult keeps privately at home (1969) and cannot ban fake images that show no real child (2002). The judge wrote that the court was "not free to redraw" those lines, and asked the Supreme Court to revisit them.
What did not change: making, sharing, sending to a kid, and anything built from a real child's photo. All still crimes.
Source: the Seventh Circuit opinion, August 25, 2026.
Today, when this material is fully fake, prosecutors charge it under an older "obscenity" law that has softer rules than the child abuse law. The ENFORCE Act makes the rules match:
It does not touch the "kept at home, never shared, fully fake" gap. Only the Supreme Court can. That is the court section, just below. A second bill, the DEFIANCE Act, which lets victims of sexual deepfakes sue, is sitting on the same desk.
Source: the text of S. 3021 on Congress.gov.
The House has its own copy of the same bill, numbered H.R. 4831. Signing on as a cosponsor means a representative puts their name on that copy. It is how a member tells leadership "schedule this one."
The Senate's copy, S. 3021, is the one already passed and sitting at the Speaker's desk, so it could go straight to a vote. Your call asks for two things at once: sign on, and ask the Speaker to schedule it.
Not signing on is not the same as opposing. Nobody in the House has voted against this. It usually means nobody asked.
Franco, a video maker, with no organization behind it. Every fact on this page comes from Congress.gov or the court's own opinion. The page stores nothing about you and never asks for money. The groups doing the long-term work are listed at the bottom, where they are the right door.
Congress works in two-year sessions. This one ends January 3, 2027. Every bill that has not fully passed by then is erased, no matter how far it got. The Senate would have to vote again from scratch.
The House is in Washington most of September, home for most of October to campaign, and back for a few weeks in November and December. That is the whole window.
46 states already have their own law against AI-made abuse images. Five places do not: Massachusetts, Ohio, Vermont, Washington D.C., and Colorado, whose 2025 law only covers images made from a real, identifiable child.
If you live in one of them, a section for your state appears after you type your zip.
Source: Enough Abuse, state law tracker, August 2026.
Serious people. Thorn builds the tools platforms use to find this material. The National Center for Missing and Exploited Children runs the national tip line. RAINN supports survivors. Enough Abuse tracks the law state by state. They all back the ENFORCE Act. What none of them has is a page that turns a reader into a phone call. That is this page. Their links are at the bottom, where they are the right door.
Not to anyone on this page. Report it to the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children's CyberTipline, or call 1-800-843-5678. They get it taken down and to police. Do not save it, forward it, or post it.
Each one is its own section below. Tap to jump.
Only the Supreme Court can change what the appeals court said about fake images kept at home. The Justice Department decides whether to ask them, and the deadline is around November 23, 2026, though the government often gets more time.
Only the Supreme Court can revisit what the appeals court said, and the Justice Department decides whether to ask it to. Your state's attorney general is your state's top lawyer, and they have real pull with the Department.
They also move as a pack. Thirty-five of them signed one letter about AI abuse images in January 2026, and fifty-four signed one asking Congress to act in 2023.
An attorney general who hears from constituents can say publicly that the state wants this appealed, and can join the states' brief when it is filed. Your letter is what gives them the reason.
Type your zip above and this fills in with your state.
It has not said whether it will appeal. Either way, your letter is on the record.
Email only, one message about this, nothing else ever.
A representative can ignore a thousand emails. They cannot ignore the local paper or the 6 o'clock news, because voters read it, and every one of them is on the ballot November 3, 2026. Four moves, easiest first.
Papers print short local letters that name the local representative. Copy it, fill in the brackets, send it.
Press staff read the local paper every morning and clip anything with their boss's name in it. A printed letter naming your representative and the bill lands on their desk that day.
Editors print short local letters about national news, and almost nobody writes them, so yours has a real chance of running.
Staff also told the Congressional Management Foundation that they want to know how a bill affects their district: 91% said that would help, and only 9% said constituents ever tell them. Naming your town in the letter is exactly that.
Type your zip above and we will name your paper.
Sign with your real name and town. Papers check.
TV wants a local face and a local office. You have both. Send this when your representative has not signed on, or when their office turned down a meeting.
In most districts local TV still reaches more voters than any single outlet, and a station will run a story that has a local face and a local office in it.
Offices return a producer's call fast, in a way they never answer email. That is press-office habit, not a study.
A tip with a date, an office, a written decline attached, and a person willing to go on camera is a story that is already half made.
Type your zip above and we will name your stations.
After your call or your meeting, film yourself on the public sidewalk outside the office. Film yourself only, never staff and never anyone else. Send us the clip and it goes to your local station and into the follow-up video in November.
A clip is what turns a phone call into a story. Stations run viewer video when it is steady, short, and says one thing.
The follow-up video in November is built out of these, so a clip does two jobs at once.
Phone held sideways. You must be 18 or over to send a clip, and sending it means you agree it can be used in the November video and sent to local outlets. Upload opens with the captain kit.
Every meeting request and every answer, in public. This record is what reporters get.
A public list of which offices met and which would not is something a representative has to answer for, in the local paper and on the ballot on November 3, 2026.
It only works if every row is provable, which is why the rules under it are strict, and why an office gets 48 hours and a right of reply before anything about it goes public.
A row goes public only after all of this: the request went through the office's official web form and by email, both timestamped; a reminder went out on day 7; fourteen days passed with no reply of any kind; the office got 48 hours' notice and its reply, if any, is printed in the row; and Franco read the evidence. "Declined" names the office, never a staffer. Anything wrong on a row: enforce@thefranco.tv.
Both passed the Senate with nobody objecting. Both are waiting for the Speaker of the House, Mike Johnson, to give them an afternoon. A bill like this passed 409 to 2 in April 2025 once it was scheduled.
The Speaker decides what gets a vote. Both of these bills are already through the Senate and sitting at his desk, so one scheduling decision finishes them.
It has happened before. The Take It Down Act, on the same subject, passed the House 409 to 2 on April 28, 2025, eight weeks after the First Lady asked for it out loud.
The office takes calls from anyone, not just Louisiana. A spike on one bill in one week is exactly the signal a leadership office watches.
"Hi, my name is [name]. I am calling to ask Speaker Johnson to schedule the ENFORCE Act and the DEFIANCE Act for a vote. Both passed the Senate unanimously and are sitting at his desk. Thank you."
Then hang up. Anyone can call, they count those too. Live in Louisiana's 4th or 1st district, or Ohio's 4th? Say so. You are their constituent and your call counts more.
A district office can wave off strangers on the internet. It cannot wave off twenty of its own voters asking for fifteen minutes. That is why we organize by district, not by follower count. One person per district gets it started. That person is the captain.
This is the strongest thing on the page, and that is not our opinion. Congressional staff were asked what moves a member who has not made up their mind. 94% said in-person visits from constituents, more than any other kind of contact, ahead of individualized emails at 92%. That is the Congressional Management Foundation, 2017, from twelve years of surveys and more than 1,200 staff.
"Twenty" is an organizer's rule of thumb, not a statistic. It is enough people that the office cannot write it off as one activist, and few enough to fit in a room.
October is when representatives are home for most of the month, which is why the meeting is worth more then than a call is now.
You commit to one thing: request the meeting, bring whoever from your group will come (your friends, your church, your kids' school parents, your team, your coworkers), and tell us what happened. You never have to organize strangers, and we never share your contact with anyone.
The kit opens right here: the request email, the reminder, the fifteen minute agenda, and the report-back form. We keep your email only to tell you if the vote gets scheduled. You must be 18 or over. Skip the email and open the kit.
Email the local office, not Washington. October is the best month: representatives are home for most of it.
The whole kit is on one page you can read in a parking lot.
Send it through the office's web form as well, and keep both timestamps. That is what makes a "no reply" provable later.
Three sentences and one question. Say who you are and where you live. Say the bill passed the Senate with zero no's and is at the Speaker's desk. Ask: "Will the Congress[man/woman] ask the Speaker to schedule S. 3021, and sign on to H.R. 4831?" Write down the exact answer. Thank them. Leave.
Met, declined, or no reply. The date. Their exact answer. It goes on the record above, under the rules printed there.
Signing on as a cosponsor is how a member tells leadership "schedule it." Not signing on is not the same as opposing. It usually means nobody asked. So we ask, and we keep the list where everyone can see it. In the Senate, every Democrat and every Republican let it pass.
Signing on is public and it is free. A member who still has not done it after being asked has made a choice, and this list shows it.
If someone files a discharge petition, which forces a vote once 218 members sign, this same list becomes that count.
Counts come from Congress.gov.
46 states already made AI-made abuse images a state crime. These five have not, and your zip is in one of them.
Do not send it to anyone on this page. Report it to the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children: CyberTipline, or call 1-800-843-5678.